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This item will ship to Germany , but the seller has not specified shipping options. The fallout was no worse than a flurry of overexcited resignation stories in the Eurosceptic press, easily rebuffed by a jovial insistence that despite a dreary day, all was well at the beating heart of Europe. Not Quite the Diplomat passes over this minor, though telling, incident. But there are other entertaining indiscretions about Patten's five years at the EU coalface. The French in general, and Jacques Chirac in particular, get a lot of stick they blocked him from succeeding Romano Prodi as commission president last year.
So do Tony Blair's deeply held but short-lived convictions. And American neocons.
Observer review: Not Quite the Diplomat by Chris Patten | From the Observer | The Guardian
He has created a vivid snapshot of the higher workings of the curious hybrid - part international organisation, part supranational bureaucracy - that so many of his countrymen love to hate. He deploys his powerful mind and biting wit to expose the nonsense in the 'geo-strategic soap opera' that is the story of Britain's relations with the rest of Europe. Patten played the practical Brit in Brussels, wading through the treacle to deliver results and avoiding rhetoric, which sounds better in French anyway.
But he has enough vision about the world and the role Europe should be playing in it to make this the best book written about the EU in English for many years. The former Tory chairman and Hong Kong governor joined the Prodi team with strong views about the challenges of globalisation. If tomorrow you pass to the QMV on Libya and — I am making up — you propose to cut contacts with Marshal Khalifa Haftar and support only the government in Tripoli, two or three countries including France will not agree.
France would continue to maintain contacts with Haftar. I think he does. Is he successful? Nevertheless, we found that the presidential election was a key, almost existential moment for the future of the French diplomacy given the then programme of Marine Le Pen to leave the eurozone and the EU.
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Above all, we wanted to say that one of the candidates had dangerous opinions for French diplomacy, while the other one was more in line with what we wanted. Macron has had a lot of ambitions, he has launched many initiatives. The method is sometimes questionable. We complain others lack ideas.
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Then France comes up with a proposal and expects everybody will follow suit. Many misunderstandings arise. France has always had this problem. The relations are complicated and complex.
France is used to expecting everybody will follow it. Others are accustomed to criticizing France for proposing something all the time. But when it stops speaking, everybody starts asking why Paris is not proposing anything anymore. The result is that progress takes a lot of time. Macron has run into the same difficulties. Two days after the European elections and before the Summit dinner, Macron met two Socialist prime ministers, from Portugal and Spain.
During the dinner, he met two Liberal prime ministers of the Netherlands and Belgium. They are new allies. It would be good if his allies also came from Central and Eastern Europe. From among the prime ministers of the Baltics, maybe from Slovakia. The new alliances which are popping up here and there need to be followed closely.
They can bring a new, interesting game in town. Maybe it is also about a generational change. All the leaders I mentioned are young and quite successful in elections. They can have a common vision of Europe, although they are not in the same political family. People like me who have been in European diplomacy for over 30 years can see that the Franco-German relationship has never been easy.
Yet, in the beginning, it has always been difficult. I remember that when Kohl took office, he and Mitterand did not talk much. I participated in the Nice Treaty negotiations.
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Progressively they developed a personal relationship and eventually became real friends. The Franco-German relationship has never been easy because it is based on contradictory interests. Of course.
elk.tradelab.in/36-precio-azithromycin-500mg.php But in the past, both countries managed to make great leaps in the integration, for example launch the Euro. They managed thanks to mutual concessions. Today, the problem is to find a negotiation method allowing everyone to make concessions in the interest of common progress while they can protect the bulk of their interests. The only thing that bothers me today in the Franco-German relationship is that we lost this method.
On both sides of the Rhine, they think they are right and others are wrong. We will not get anywhere like this. We have to start with a simple principle: the duty to agree. Then we will keep meeting until we reach an agreement.
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